鄭芝龍和他的子孫的命運

永曆三十七年（清康熙二十二年，1683）六月，清施琅率師大舉進犯，大將劉國軒敗於澎湖，主力既喪，清師壓境，遂無力與抗，乃兩奉降表，舉國內附。朝命移徙入京，封公爵，隸漢軍正黃旗，昆弟子孫，遂世居北京。有三子二女，子曰安世、安邦、安國。康熙三十八年（1699），清人將延平郡王父子夫婦諸柩歸葬福建南安故里，克塽為撰「鄭氏附葬祖父墓誌銘」，勒諸石。

鄭氏附葬祖父墓誌銘

 「王父諱成功，字明儼，號大木，姓鄭氏，先世自光州固始縣入閩，由莆居漳、居粵之潮。至始祖隱石公，乃移居于泉之南安縣楊子山下石井鄉，遂世為南安人。數傳至八世祖樂齋公，樂齋公傳于野公，于野公傳西庭公，西庭公傳象庭公，象庭公傳曾大父飛黃公，實生王父。曾大父丈夫子六，王父居長；再傳丈夫子十，父又居長。王父生于甲子年七月十四日辰時，卒于壬寅年五月初八日未時，享年三十有九。故明未賜國姓，封延平王，率眾取海外臺灣，開闢疆土，設立府縣，居之。父諱經，字式天，號賢之，嗣封延平王。生于壬子年十月初二日未時，卒于辛酉年正月二十八日寅時，享年四十，同王父俱葬臺灣。歲癸亥，不孝克塽等舉國內附，挈眷入京，蒙恩封漢軍公。念臺灣遠隔溟海，祭掃維艱，具疏陳請，乞遷葬內地，奉特旬恩准。受令弟克舉假回襄事，以康熙三十八年五月廿二日卯時，附葬于南安縣康店鄉樂齋公塋內，并曾大父靈主、曾祖母翁、祖母董、母唐柩附焉。翁曾祖母生于壬寅年八月十八日未時，卒于丙戍年十一月三十日已時，享年四十有五。祖母董，係明進士禮部侍郎董諱颺先公胞姪女，生于癸亥年九月二十四日酉時，卒于辛酉年六月十六日已時，享年五十有九。母唐為明進士兵部尚書唐諱顯悅公孫女，生于任午年十二月十二日未時，卒于丙午年七月二十四日丑時，享年二十有五。王父、父生平事蹟，先卜葬臺灣，己悉前誌；茲第叙其生卒年月世系子姓，納諸幽壙，用示後之子孫。王父子十：長即吾父，娶母唐氏，先卒；次聰，娶故明魯王二郡主朱氏；次明，娶林氏；次睿；次智，娶洪氏；次寬，娶林氏；次裕；娶王氏；次溫，娶劉氏；次柔，娶洪氏；次發。女四：長適柯諱良，次適甘諱孟煜，次適洪諱允中，次適故明魯王世子朱諱弘桓。父男七：不孝克塽居長，娶馮氏、史氏；次克舉，取許氏；次克均，娶柯氏；次克坺，娶馮氏；次克冏，娶趙氏；次克圻，娶張氏；次克塙，聘劉氏。六女：長適黃諱肇隆，次適黃諱肇燦，次適陳諱逢泰，次適甘諱純仁，次適趙諱繼麟，次未配。自聰出者，子一克恒，娶李氏；女三，長適陳，次適柯，次適洪。明無出，以裕之子克俊為嗣，未娶。睿早夭。自智出者，子一克璋，聘洪氏。自寬出者，子一克培，娶朱氏。自裕出者，子二：長克崇，未聘；次克俊，出繼與明為嗣。女一，未配。自溫出者，子三：長秉模，次克圭、出繼與發為嗣，次克傑，俱未聘。女一，宋配。自柔出者，子一克壐，未聘；女二，長適洪，次適許。發亦早夭，以溫之子克圭為嗣。不孝克塽子三：長安世、次安邦、次安國，俱未聘；女二未配。克舉女二未配。克均子一安甸，未聘。克坺女一，未聘。餘未艾云。山坐巽向乾，兼己亥庚辰庚戍分金，在南安卅八都，土名康店鄉。 「銘曰：鴻漸之麓，佳城鬰蒼，山環水繞，回抱崇岡，維予先世，靈魄是藏。迨及父祖，遠葬殊方；卜遷叶吉，歸此故鄉。祖孫共室，父子同堂，渙而徥萃，于禮為常。聯綿遺澤，浩蕩恩光，長依北闕，駿發其祥；後人守之，永世不忘！

 「襄事承重孫克塽、孤哀子溫、裕、柔仝稽顙，期服孫克舉等仝勒石。」

鄭芝龍和他的子孫的命運，全文在此：

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1GoLlq453IxASJ8dPjMN3czJDKYNK4HA-/view?usp=sharing

Cheng Zhi-Long honored in Tainan

Source: here

Koxinga's father, Cheng Zhi-long 鄭芝龍 (1604-1661), finally is honored in 鎮門宮. This temple overlooks 鹿耳門 (Lakjemuyse), where Koxinga's fleet sailed through at high tide into Taibay and quickly surrounded Ft Provincia (1661). This tiny temple has two bare-footed Dutchmen as its gate keepers, or door-gods (see a previous post, here).

For almost four hundred years, 鄭芝龍 has been portrayed by historians as a pirate and a traitor, a one-sided erroneous description that has persisted to this day. Within the Cheng Clan, Koxinga's falling out with his father over the loyalty to Ming Emperor was also a factor. In fact, in Tainan, the seat of power of the Ming Cheng Kingdom, memorial to 鄭芝龍 is nowhere to be found.

We now know that 鄭芝龍 was forced to yield, not by the military might of the Qing, but by a great famine at that time when it was no longer possible to maintain a sizable force without confiscating foodstuff from the general public. Not wishing to do that and after a life-time of fighting enemies from within and without China, he was truly tired looking forward to a peaceful resolution. Only he himself was detained at a meeting with Qing officials. And three of his sons and daughter-in-laws were later ordered to Beijing. All were put to death in 1661. After learning the demise of his father and brothers, a crestfallen Koxinga passed away soon after.

In this temple in Tainan, the father finally took his rightful place with his son Konxiga and his wife Lady Weng.

The surrender of Ming-Cheng Kingdom

The surrender of the Tung-Ning Kingdom was not as straightforward as commonly known, i.e., a simple capitulation announcement from Koxinga's grandson and heir 鄭克塽Cheng Ke-Shuang. As in Koxinga's negotiation with Coyett, Cheng Ke-Shuang must also deal with 施琅Shi Lang, the Ming-Cheng turncoat.

In Shi's report to the Qing Court, he stated,

"…查鄭克塽年尚幼樨，未諳大體，操縱指揮，權皆出于劉國軒、馮錫範二人。茲特令朱紹熙回台灣傳諭，果真心投誠，必須劉國軒、馮錫範來臣軍前面降，將人民土地悉入版圖。其偽官兵遵制削髮，移入內地，聽遵朝廷安輯。…（dated Aug 3, 1683, or 康熙Kang-xi 22nd year, double 6th month, 11th day)

In other words, Shi blamed everything on Liu Guo-shian and Feng Shi-feng, the true power behind Cheng. Both of them must therefore openly surrender. The Ming-Cheng people and land would be ruled under Qing. All officers and soldiers would shave their head in the Qing style and moved inland.

On Sept 17, 1683, Cheng issued the first report/announcement, namely,

招討大將軍延平王鄭克塽謹奏

"伏以論域中有常尊，歷代紹百王為得統。觀天意有攸屬，興朝宅九土以受符。誠五德之推移，為萬彙所瞻仰者也。伏念先世自矢愚忠，追懷前代之恩，未沾盛朝之澤。是以臣祖成功，篳路以闢東土，臣父經，靺韋而雜文身。寧敢負固重險，自擬夜郎；抑亦保全遺黎，孤栖海角而已。迨至先人弛擔，稚子承祧，常思畏天之恩，莫求縮地之術。茲蓋伏遇皇帝陛下高覆厚載、仁育義懷。底定中邦，如旭日升而普照；掃擴六宇，雖浮雲翳而乍消。苟修文德，以來遠人；寧事勝心，而焚海內。乃者舳艫西下，自揣履蹈之獲愆；念此氣血東來，無非霜露之所墜。顏行何敢再逆，革心以表後誠。昔也威未見德，無怪鳥骸於虞機；今者誤已知迷，敢後麟遊於仁圃。伏願視天地萬物為一體，合象胥寄棘為大同。遠柔而邇能，形民固無心於醉飽，貳討而服舍，依魚自適性於淵泓。夫且問黃□之海波，豈特誓丹誠以皦日為已哉。"

He professed young and ignorant having been raised by his grandfather and father, and conceded the heaven-mandated benevolent rule of the Qing emperor. And that he was really just a minion who would now pledged his most sincere loyalty to Qing.

Shi, however, was a practical man, on Sept 19, 1683, he again reported to the Qing Court, that

"…茲7月15日，鄭克塽復差偽兵官馮錫珪、偽工官陳夢煒，劉國軒遣胞弟偽副使劉國昌，馮錫範遣胞弟範偽副使馮錫韓，同曾斐、朱紹熙賚送降本稿前來澎湖軍前回話。…本月27日，偽藩鄭克塽復差馮錫珪、陳夢煒同吳啟爵、常在賚具降本一道，及繳延平王冊一副，印一顆，輔政公鄭聰印一顆，武平侯劉國軒印一顆，忠誠伯馮錫範印一顆，左武衛將軍何祐印一顆。…"

The seals (chops) of the Ming-Cheng officials including the Yan-Ping kingship had been received.

After this, on Oct 5, 1683, Cheng Ke-Shuang surrendered a second time:

招討大將軍延平王臣鄭克塽謹奏

為舉國內附、仰冀聖恩事。竊惟臣生自海邦，稚懵無識；謬繼創垂之緒，有乖傾向之誠。邇者，樓船西來，旌旗東指；簞壺緩迎於周旅，干羽煩舞於虞階。自省重愆，誠為莫贖；然思皇靈之赫濯，信知天命有攸歸。逆者亡、順者昌，迺覆載待物之廣大；貳而討、服而舍，諒聖王與人之甚寬。用遵往時之成命，爰邀此日之殊恩；冀守宗祧以勿失，永作屏翰於東方。業有修表具奏外，及接提督臣施琅來書，以復居故土，不敢主張。臣思既傾心而向化，何難納土以輸誠。茲特繕具本章，并延平王印一顆、冊一副及武平侯臣劉國軒印一顆、忠誠伯臣馮錫范印一顆，敬遣副使劉國昌、馮錫韓齎赴軍前繳奏；謹籍土地人民，待命境上，數千里之封疆悉歸土宇，百餘萬之戶口並屬版圖。遵海而南，永息波濤之警；普天之下，均沾雨露之濡。實聖德之漸被無方，斯遐區之襁負恐後。
獨念臣全家骨肉，強半孺呱；本係南人，不諳北土。合無乞就近閩地方，撥賜田莊、廬屋，俾免流移之苦，且獲養贍之資；則蒙高厚之生成，當誓丹青以啣結。至於明室宗親，格外優待；通邦士庶，軫念綏柔；文武諸官，加恩遷擢；前附將領，一體垂仁；夙昔仇怨，盡與蠲除；籍沒產業，俱行賜復：尤期廣推寬大之仁，明布維新之令，使夫群情允愜，共鼓舞於春風；萬彙熙恬，同泳游於化日。斯又微臣無厭之請，徼望朝廷不次之恩者也。為此，激切具本奏聞，伏候□旨。

His request of relocating back home to Hokkien was denied and together with his family, were held hostage in Beijing. His loyal followers, most were seamen, were banished to various penal colonies in mainland China to die.

Tamsui Cheng

This is a map of 10 of the 11 Li's （里） of TongAn Prefecture （同安縣）, namely, 長興, 同禾, 民安, 從順, 翔鳳, 感化, 歸德, 仁德, 安仁, and 積善. Missing from it is the 11th, 嘉禾里, i.e. Xiamen Island （廈門島）.

Throughout Chinese history, names of places are often changed to conform to new civil administrative systems imposed by new rulers/conquerors. This is a geographical identity cleansing on an unimaginable scale.

Xiamen Island was known as 嘉禾嶼 during the Song Dynasty and 中左所 during the Ming Dynasty. It had long been part of the TongAn Prefecture. The 11 Li's of the Song Dynasty became 44 Du's (都） in Yuan Dynasty, and in Ming, further consolidated to 37 Du's.

The ancestors of the Tamsui-Cheng （淡水鄭）came from 嘉禾里.

The Diary of Philip Meij

Koxinga (in white) as recalled by Philip Meij

Philip Meij was a land surveyor employed by the VOC, trapped inside Ft Provincia when Koxinga's fleet entered Tai Bay on April 30, 1661 (for more, see here). He was released and left for Batavia with Coyett and remnants of the VOC on Feb 9, 1662. During this 9-month period, he worked for Koxinga not only in land surveys but also in translating letters from Koxinga to Coyett. Most importantly, Meij had written a company report based on his daily recalls after his safe return to Batavia. This diary complements, although is far more informative than Coyett's memoir of the siege of Ft Zeelandia, as it recorded activities unknown to Coyett. In addition, major events described in the diary also in most part agree with those archived by the Cheng court scribe 楊英Yang Ying, and the account of a near-contemporary historian 江日昇Jiang Ri Sheng. Meij's Dairy was translated from archaic Dutch into Chinese by 江樹聲Jiang Su-Sheng and published as 梅氏日記 in Taipei in 2003.

The diary told of the many unsuccessful attempts by Meij to reach Ft Zeelandia, the fate of the surrendered Dutch men, women, and children, the iron-fist rule of Koxinga, and the Ming-Cheng interaction with the Aborigines.

On May 5, 1661, while negotiating the surrender of Ft Provincia, Meij noticed 16 Aboriginal VIPs waiting outside of Koxinga's tent. They were the chiefs from 5 clans of previous Dutch colonial subjects, now all dressed in blue mandarin robes embroidered with gold and silk threads. Clearly, Koxinga was on good terms with Aborigines in the greater Sakam area. Not all Aboriginal tribes were friendly, though.

Some activists in Taiwan now decry the genocidal atrocity perpetrated on the Aborigines by Koxinga (and later his son Cheng Jing). This was not without provocation, however.

The major problem for Koxinga in the battle against the Dutch was the lack of enough food for his soldiers. He might have underestimated Coyett's resolve in defending Ft Zeelandia to wait it out for rescues from Batavia. A long siege must base on sufficient provisional reserve and Koxinga had great difficulties in getting re-supplied from his home base in Hokkien. The strategy was then changed to assigning his soldiers farming duties. Each military unit of 1,000-1,200 men was given a territory to build a town in the center and garrison forts in the periphery. There were also strict orders to leave current land ownership of both Han and Aboriginal undisturbed. And the land to be developed must meet certain farming standards complete with irrigation canals. Meji's surveyor skills were put in good use to erect the boundary markers of each territory. Along the way, for about 180 km north of Ft Provincia, Meji reported seeing men in groups of 100 busy planting sweet potatoes for immediate needs while getting the fields prepared for rice growing for the next season.

Of Koxinga's force, 11,000 to 12,000 men were sent to the north and 6,000 to the south leaving only 300 guarding Ft Provincia, now Koxinga's command center, and 5,000 to enforce the siege of Ft Zeelandia.

Both the north and south-bound forces quickly ran into Aboriginal hostilities. To the north, the Prince of Middagh (大度王） lured the Cheng frontier army into a false sense of security and murdered 1,400 to 1,500 of them in their sleep, the rest escaped into sugarcane fields and were smoked out and killed as well. Also lost was 陳澤Chen Ze who defeated Capt Thomas Pedel and his 120 musketeers on the beach of 北線尾Baxemboy. To the south, according to Albrecht Herport (an artist-soldier, either a German or a Swiss, working for the VOC), 700 to 800 soldiers were killed by the Aborigines after being surrounded; of the 5,000 Han and some straggler Dutch civilians in this area, most would also die of starvation and disease.

Meij recalled the Cheng soldiers "using their heavy weaponry and shamelessly asked for hospitality from the Aborigines". Some modern-day historians would point to this passage as evidence of maltreatment of the Aborigines while it might simply be a hunger-driven behavior. Regardless, the Ming-Cheng Kingdom would later mount punitive actions against these murderous Aborigines.

The Cafres

Above: Details of a map published in 1679 in Nuremberg showing Cafreria, the homeland of the Cafres. The geographic location matches the southern portion of present-day South Africa plus part of southern Namibia. To its north was Monomotapa where, in 1420, 鄭和Cheng He and his fleet paid a visit and were well received by the royal court. Among the gifts from Cheng to the kingdom were horses and gunpowder. Some folks there later became experts of gunpowder-powered firearms.

It remains a great mystery as to what happened to the Cafres, the Black Rifle battalion, after the fall of Ming-Cheng Tung-Ning Kingdom in 1683. They had previously served both Koxinga's father 鄭芝龍 and Koxinga himself well in combats and as personal/palace guards.

The last known action of the Cafres was to follow Lady Tung's order and execute Cheng Jing's illegitimate son Cheng Ke-Chang to make way for the younger, lineage-based heir-apparent Cheng Ke-Shuang. This would have occurred near the end of the Tung-Ning era (ca 1682-3).

Lady Tung's residence (now 開元寺) where Cheng Ke-Chang was summoned to
and assassinated en route

It is highly doubtful that the Cafres were allowed to stay in Taiwan since all Ming-Cheng soldiers were forced to penal colonies in China. It is also equally doubtful that they were repatriated back to Cafreria as freemen. Assimilation into the general population remains a possibility since some had married Han women; although this is yet to be verified.

Possibly a Cafre in a temple in Tainan

國姓 Royal surname

隆武帝: 南明第2代皇帝（1602～1646）

It is puzzling why after receiving the Ming royal gift of 國姓 (i.e., 朱), 鄭成功 still retained his own surname. So did his sons and grandsons, never a 朱 mentioned anywhere in the clan records compiled later.

In Chinese custom, no one changes his own surname unless married into the wife's family. This was quite different during the Ming Dynasty. Ming emperors gave out the royal name 朱 like candies, and the new 朱s in fact enjoyed special privileges. This renaming had also resulted in an unprecedented upsurge of the 朱 population in China.

By the end of Ming Dynasty, there was really no more privileges to enjoy. 隆武帝, who gave not only the 國姓 to 鄭成功 but also his new given name (in 1645, while lamenting that he did not have a princess for 成功 to marry to), was captured a year later by the Qing and committed suicide by starving himself to death. This had effectively ended the the practice of royal renaming and the prestige associated with it.

鄭成功 had never referred to himself as Koxinga or 國姓爺, that was the Dutch and the common folks, respectively, that did. It was still an honor as far as the Cheng Clan is concerned.